نوع مقاله : علمی-پژوهشی

نویسندگان

• محمدساجد سلطانی ابری ¹
• فیاض زاهد ²
• سید محمد ثقفی نژاد ²

¹ دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران بعد از اسلام، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران

² استادیار گروه تاریخ و باستان‌شناسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران

چکیده

از مشروطه تا کودتای 1299هـ.ش، در هر رویداد تاریخ‌ساز، سوای عوامل بیرونی و شاخصه‌های مؤثر فرعی، پنج گروه اجتماعی اصلی در صحنۀ سیاست ایران دست‌درکار بوده‌اند. شاهزادگان، اشراف و هواداران سـلطنت؛ روشنفکران و آزادی‌خواهان؛ چـپ‌گرایان؛ رهبران ایلی و سران چادرنشینان؛ و روحانیت. این پنج گروه با ویژگی‌ها و نیروهای متفاوت، گاهی با اهداف و منافع متضاد و در پاره‌ای موارد همسو، همواره در رقابت و کشمکش زیستند و توانستند موجودیت خود را تا پایان حیات دودمان قاجار در پاییز 1304 حفظ نمایند. پژوهشِ حاضر می‌کوشد تا به این پرسش اصلی پاسخ دهد که جریان‌های عمدۀ باشنده در سیاست ایران به هنگام برکناری قاجارها با چه کیفیتی، در چه وضعیتی قرار داشتند و کدام توانستند بیش از دیگران اثرگذار باشند. بر شالودۀ موضوع مورد اشاره و با بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل تاریخی یعنی کالبدشکافی منسجم مدارک موجود در سیر تاریخی رخدادها، این نتیجه حاصل می‌شود که روحانیت پیش از همه به دورنمای تغییرات اساسی پی بُرد و با تقویت اعتبارش که بر اثر بازشکوفایی حوزۀ علمیۀ قم و مهاجرت مراجع از عتبات به ایران فراهم شده بود، توانست در روند انتقال قدرت، روابطی منظم و متوازن با سردارسپه برقرار سازد؛ اما سایر جریان‌ها که از واقعیاتِ روز و ماهیت رقیب سرسختشان کمتر آگاهی داشتند؛ یا به‌کلی حیثیت‌شان را از دست داده بودند، یا ناگزیر به ارادۀ رضاخان تن‌دردادند و یا با آغاز روند تحولات، به تدریج در برابر شرایط جدید غافل‌گیر گردیده و به گوشه‌ای رانده شدند.

کلیدواژه‌ها

• منازعات اجتماعی
• قاجاریه
• روحانیت
• رضاخان
• تاریخ اجتماعی

Extended Abstract

The Position of Social Currents in the Developments

Leading to the Decline and Fall of the Qajar Dynasty

1. Introduction

Some scholars argue that the dualities of despotism and liberalism, as well as tradition and modernity, have been a source of conflict between the main social classes and groups in the Iranian society over the past one hundred years. The roots of these opposing forces can be traced back to the Constitutional period. In order to gain a clearer perspective on this issue, the present paper aims to explore the nature and characteristics of these social groups, the positions they held, and the extent to which they were successful in playing a more significant role in the final years of the Qajar dynasty. Adopting a historical analytic method, this paper views the extinction of the Qajar dynasty as a unified phenomenon, which helps to gain a better understanding of the social background, reasons, and various dimensions of this phenomenon through the examination and exploration of the historical development and the influence of social forces involved. The method also provides a cohesive and systematic framework for analyzing existing documents, which can help answer the research questions.

2. Literature Review

An extensive review of existing literature found no independent research on the topic of this study. While numerous works were written during the Pahlavi era that cover the period in question, the exaggerated nature of most of these works disqualifies them as reliable sources for our research. However, an alternative historiographical tradition, represented by works such as The History of Political Parties in Iran (Tārikh-e ahzāb-e siyāsi dar Irān), can provide valuable historical data on the subject. In addition, research influenced by leftist approaches tends to focus mainly on the ideological dimensions and is often affected by discursive biases. On the other hand, some studies have applied a more scientific approach to examine the socio-political situation of that period, seeking to explore the factors that led to the fall of the Qajar dynasty through archival sources.

Unlike the above approaches, the present study does not engage in micro-level analysis of historical developments that typically focus on individual and external factors. Instead, it utilizes a macro-level analysis that concentrates on the outcome of interactions between social forces in the process of power transition from the Qajar dynasty to the Pahlavis, and examines the phenomenon in a new light.

3. Pro-Monarchy Groups

Following the Constitutional Revolution, a heterogeneous mix of individuals formed the pro-monarchy group, which included the Shah himself as well as princes, courtiers, aristocrats, landlords, and tradition-minded statesmen. These self-interested individuals were primarily concerned with securing immediate profits for themselves, and many of them, who could not imagine a long-term future for the Qajars, joined Reza Khan Sardārsepah during the final years of the dynasty, and even supported the idea of a republic. Over  time, the monarchy’s credibility and prestige increasingly waned, and the shah’s departure from the scene was followed by the triumph of dynasty’s greatest enemy. The shah had lost all influence, and the crown prince and other royal officials had virtually been sidelined when the transition of power from the Qajar to the Pahlavis took place.

4. The Intellectual and Liberal Group

While the intellectual social forces played a significant role in the developments that led to the Constitutional Revolution, following the victory of the constitutionalists, the secular forces either left the scene, or were thwarted by the hegemony of religious forces. For radical liberals, one goal had priority over all: the intellectuals desired to replace religion with secular elements in a broad, society-wide model, all in the name of the prosperity of Iran. It was not surprising that the religious society of Iran met such efforts with complete disregard. Different understandings of the concept of freedom and progress resulted in an irreconcilable conflict between the intellectuals and the institution of religion that, given the religious fabric of the Iranian society, inevitably led to the isolation of the liberals. The intellectuals remained ineffective throughout the final years of the Qajar dynasty, and were unable to play an independent role in the developments leading to the transfer of power.

5. Leftist Social Forces

The socialists emerged as a notable force in the final chapter of the Qajar dynasty. However, compared to other social forces in Iran, they were young and limited in their geographical distribution, primarily being concentrated in the northern regions of the country. Despite their aim to establish social justice, they were not able to attract large masses of the Iranian population. This was mainly due to the fact that neither they nor their supporters had a correct understanding of the philosophy of socialism. Other factors, such as the socialists’ distrust of religious scholars, their alignment with foreign forces, their tendency towards violence and repression towards rivals during short-term victories, all played a role in frustrating their efforts to attract large masses. In the political sphere, opportunism, lack of skilled and experienced human resources, and the power of individuals like Reza Khan also contributed to the leftists’ inability to play a major role in the transition of power from Qajar to Pahlavi.

6. Tribal and Nomadic Social Forces

The Iranian tribes were once important social elements that played vital roles in any equation prior to the rise of the military power in Iran. Their power increasingly waned until it ultimately came to an end in 1300/1921. No khan or tribal leader remained who was not subordinated to the central government by Reza Khan Sardārsepah. The most powerful and influential of these tribal leaders were subdued or eliminated, and their wealth was confiscated and used to boost the treasuries of the War Ministry, and subsequently the Prime Minister, which made his rise to the throne even more likely. As a result, tribal leaders, along with local rulers and nomadic tribe chiefs, became increasingly impotent, leaving them without a voice in both the Consultative and Constituent Assemblies, and at the national level, during the transition of power.

7. The Clergy

During the transition of power from the Qajars to the Pahlavis, especially during the last five years of the Qajar dynasty, the Shiʿa clergy were divided into two groups: those aligned with Reza Khan, and those who were not. Although both groups exerted great influence, the pro-monarchy group became dominant over time. Meanwhile, the most powerful political clerics, led by Sayyed Hasan Modarres, who opposed Sardārsepah, eventually aligned their forces with Reza Khan. As the major social forces in Iran declined, two events increased the importance of the clergy in the final years of the Qajar dynasty: the migration of Sheykh ʿAbdolkarim Hā’iri Yazdi to Qom, and political developments in Mesopotamia and the exile of religious authorities to Iran.

8. Conclusion

During the events leading to the overthrow of the Qajar dynasty, the ‘olamā (religious scholars) had a more prominent role among the five major social currents in the Iranian society, and effectively played a central role in the political developments. After a period of disorder, Reza Khan succeeded in either eliminating or sidelining the four other social forces in Iranian society, ultimately ascending to the throne with the conditional approval of the clergy. Reza Khan’s success owed much to the unwavering support and approval of the clergy in his gradual rise to power.

Keywords: Social conflicts, the Qajar dynasty, the Clergy, Reza Khan, Social history