Tahqiqāt-e Târix-e Eqtesâdi (Economic History Studies of Iran)

Abstract Commercial relations, as a cornerstone of interstate connections, are influenced by governmental policies, political geography, and mutual economic needs. This study, employing a historical method and a descriptive-analytical approach, draws on Chinese, English, and Persian sources to examine the trade relations between the Timurid (771-911 AH/1370-1506 CE) and Ming (770-1053 AH/1368-1644 CE) dynasties. The findings reveal that the Timurids exported goods such as horses, lion pelts, and wool to the Ming court, while the Ming supplied metal artifacts, botanical products, and medicinal materials. Despite the parity between the two dynasties, the Ming, due to the emperor’s monopoly over foreign trade, interpreted these exchanges as “tributary trade.” Notwithstanding geographical and political constraints, these interactions played a pivotal role in the economic balance of both empires. For the Timurids, the influx of currency and technology bolstered the financial stability of the courts in Herat and Samarkand, while for the Ming, access to rare animal and mineral resources strengthened their military and cultural supply chains.

Abstract After the nationalization of Iran's oil industry, the British government, by preventing the sale of Iran's oil and imposing other economic sanctions, exerted maximum pressure to advance its goals. In response, the Iranian government decided to increase the country's economic revenues through other means and continue exports.The most important attempt in this regard was the expansion of non-oil exports through domestic production. Therefore, the government sought to increase agricultural production, particularly cotton, and its export, to achieve economic independence and growth. This article examines the actions and activities of the national government to increase the production and export of cotton and its role in realizing an oil-free economy.The research method of this study is that of an descriptive-analytical approach. This article is based on unpublished documents from the National Iranian Documents’ Organization and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Records also in order to enhance our understanding of the situation, newspapers and some other published sources have been emphasized onto depict the importance of the issue.The results of this study indicate that government efforts led to significant growth in cotton production during these years. The increase in cotton exports helped the government overcome part of its financial difficulties.

Abstract In the second and third centuries of the Hijri calendar, the two cities of Baghdad and Basra were among the largest Islamic cities. Baghdad gained political and Basra gained economic importance. A significant part of the prosperity of Baghdad and Basra resulted from the trade relationship that was established between the two.
The question that will be examined in the article is how the trade relationship between Baghdad and Basra was formed and what impact it had on the maritime trade of the Persian Gulf. With the study conducted using the method of historical description and analysis, these findings were obtained that the formation, development and dynamics of the trade relations between Baghdad and Basra took place in the form of sea, coastal and hinterland relations under the Persian Gulf Maritime Trade Organization. In the new Islamic political geography in the second and third centuries of the Hijri calendar, the formation and rise of the trade relationship between Baghdad and Basra occurred in proportion to the emergence of political stability, suitable communication platforms and high economic capabilities. With stability and prosperity in the plain and the coastal region (Baghdad), prosperity emerged on the coast, and trade relations

Abstract Given the institutional turn in development studies and economic sociology’s emphasis on money as a pivotal social institution, this research employs historical institutionalism and Geoffrey Ingham’s “Social Theory of Money” to analyze the consequences of establishing the Imperial Bank during the Qajar era. Credit money and banking systems are fundamental pillars of modern societies, with their evolution reflecting a nation’s development history. By securing the exclusive right to issue banknotes, the Imperial Bank introduced modern credit money into Iran’s economy. The study posits that money is an institution possessing infrastructural and authoritative capacities. Findings reveal that granting this monopoly, without integrating it into domestic socio-economic networks and in the absence of effective political oversight, failed to achieve primary goals such as attracting foreign capital, industrial development, railway construction, or transitioning to the gold standard. Instead, the institution became a tool for strengthening British colonial influence. Ultimately, this institutional adaptation—incompatible with local contexts and negligent of the social nature of credit money—did not lead to economic prosperity. Rather, by disrupting political and social spheres, it confronted Iran’s historical development path with significant material and perceptual obstacles, stifling opportunities for structural growth.

Abstract International relations are shaped by disparities in states’ economic, political, and military capabilities. During the Pahlavi II era, Iran, with substantial economic and military resources, held a stronger position in its relations with Jordan. Conversely, Jordan, due to limited domestic resources and reliance on external aid, functioned as the weaker actor. This study analyzes Iran’s economic instruments in influencing Jordan’s policies and behavior, and how Jordan benefited from this asymmetric relationship. The core question explores how Iran employed economic tools for its political and security objectives and how Jordan leveraged the relationship’s asymmetric structure. Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the research utilizes library and archival sources, analyzing data within the framework of asymmetric relations theory. Findings reveal that Iran, through development loans, grants, and infrastructure projects, guided certain Jordanian policies to align with its strategic interests, especially during crises. Simultaneously, Jordan used this support to bolster its domestic capacities and enhance political and economic stability. The study demonstrates economic resources as a strategic instrument for Iran, while also revealing Jordan’s relative agency within an asymmetric relationship.

Abstract Abstract:

The post-Sasanian Pahlavi document no.25 of Tabaristān has a specific place among these documents; because apart from social, historical and political issues, it contains the legal-economical problems with the main subject of loan, compensation, financial obligation, profit, and oral and written contracts. This study examines the document’s economic content with a focus on the concept of Paymān (contract) and its parallels with the Mādayān ī Hazār Dādestān, the principal Sasanian legal compendium. The research investigates continuities and transformations in the economic framework of Padishkhwārgar relative to Sasanian models based on a qualitative methodology, and our informative data come from library sources. The findings show that substantial conformity with Sasanian law, while deviations—such as the absence of guarantees (Payandānī), modified penalty clauses, and composite contractual forms—reflect adaptation to new socio-political realities. Overall, the Tabaristān corpus offers invaluable primary evidence for the evolution of Iranian economic practices after the Sasanian period.

Abstract Extended abstract
Introduction: Today, although more foreign products are available to an increasing number of global consumers and more countries seek to increase exports and strengthen their image, but it seems that tensions among countries caused by disputes over territories, economic pressures, sanctions and religious conflicts have worsened the relations among nations in such a way that, if these disputes are perceived as offensive or unfair, they can cause enmity and increased nationalism, and finally adversely affecting the market. Consumers' anger toward a country that they perceive as an enemy may affect their perception of that country's products and image, and thus negatively impacting the export performance of that product. Consumer nationalism is also part of the attitude that consumers have towards products produced in a foreign country. In other words, customers who have strong ethnic beliefs are more likely to evaluate foreign products negatively than those who do not have such beliefs. As a result, for patriotic reasons, they refrain from buying foreign products even if the quality of the foreign product is superior to their own. Therefore, consumer nationalism has a positive effect on product evaluation (acceptance and belief), but negative effect with consumer hostility. Therefore, the research objective is to investigate the effects of economic hostility and nationalism on international trade. The hypothesis of the research is that economic enmity and nationalism have adverse influence on international trade.
Methodology: The current research is a survey type in terms of its practical and descriptive purpose and based on the elements and structures in the literature of the subject, a conceptual framework including a set of propositions is considered. From a structural standpoint, the conceptual model is divided into five categories of construct: 1) Economic hostility, which is caused by the feeling of economic dominance or aggression of the people of a country towards an enemy country which is related to temporary economic events; 2) Consumer nationalism, operationalized in a broader sense that combines consumer nationalism with an eye toward protecting trade, restricting foreign investment, restricting immigration, and restricting foreign companies and intellectual property; 3) The general image of the country, which is defined as a general structure that includes general images created not only by exemplary products, but also by the degree of economic and political maturity, historical events and relationships, culture and traditions, and the degree of virtue and industrialization of technology. It is characterized by a cognitive dimension (related to the level of economic, industrial and technological development) and an emotional dimension (related to emotional characteristics and beliefs towards people); 4) Product-related beliefs, which refer to the judgment and evaluation of specific consumers toward another country's products. 5) Product acceptance, which is defined as a conscious or unconscious readiness to accept external supply systems. The tool used for data collection was a questionnaire and a set of template ideas adapted from previous research.  In this regard, a sample of 341 people from a population of 3000 students graduated in the field of economics and commerce was selected by a simple random randomly method and questionnaires were distributed, responses were tabulated, and the data were analyzed using the structural equation technique. Since this sample includes economics and business students, it was assumed that these students have an acceptable knowledge and understanding of financial crises and business economic issues.
Results and Discussion: The findings of the research showed that economic hostility towards a foreign country does not have a negative effect on the understanding of the overall image of the country and the beliefs related to the product, but only on the acceptance of the product. Furthermore, economic hostility towards a foreign country has a positive effect on consumer nationalism. On the other hand, nationalism has a negative relationship with belief in the product, but it has no relationship with a negative perception of the country's image. However, higher level of nationalism has a negative effect on product acceptance. A higher level of hostility towards a foreign country does not affect the level of perception of the overall image of the country and the quality of the products made in that country. However, there is a strong and negative relationship between consumer hostility and product acceptance. As a result, consumers with a higher level of economic hostility usually do not welcome more imports from countries that are considered enemies, show a lower level of affinity toward it, and spread little positive words about that country. Finally, economic hostility towards a foreign country can also increase nationalistic feelings and increase the preference for domestic products/services as an expression of their "patriotism".
Conclusion: The results of this research are important for economically stronger and weaker countries. It seems that these findings leave no room for doubting that the political and economic actions of a foreign country can affect the feelings of enmity or nationalism of consumers and their images of each other, and in this way affect the purchasing choice of consumers. As a result, companies in countries that are angered by consumers will definitely face many challenges when exporting their products to those countries. In this situation, at least four options can be considered to reduce the potential negative effects of economic hostility on the level of trade in foreign countries where there is consumer hostility. First, during a crisis period, companies can temporarily remove the "made in" label from their advertising campaigns and focus on brand personality effects that are not clearly related to the image of the country of origin or, conversely, bring to mind the image of the same foreign country. Second, companies can use public relations and other communication measures to reduce the perception of "collaboration" with hostile policies and actions and evaluate the opportunity to separate themselves from the policies and actions of their government. Third, cause-related marketing can be used to support non-profit organizations, local communities, and awareness campaigns in affected countries. Fourth, firms can consider investing in foreign countries to develop joint brand strategies with national firms or establish alliances with them to produce hybrid products emphasizing the skills and competencies of local suppliers. Therefore, in order to participate and gain a reasonable share in international trade, policymakers must have a clearer understanding of the possible negative consequences of political and economic actions that are considered offensive or unfair.

Abstract During the reign of Burji Mamluk in Egypt, confiscation of property by order of the sovereign, which had precedents in the Islamic world and Egypt before, entered a serious field in the political economy of Egypt, in a way that was a common phenomenon in the politics and economy of the Mamluk era. The property confiscation had different political and economic motives in this period; the present research has tried to study and explain the accounts related to confiscation in this era with a library and a descriptive-analytical method, with an emphasis on sources from the Mamluk era in order to answer the main question: What were the reasons and political and economic grounds for the confiscation of property in Egypt during the Burji Mamluk period?. This study examines an important part of the numerous and diverse reports related to confiscation in the Burji Mamluk era in order to explain the relationship of this economic phenomenon with the political atmosphere in the Mamluk era from the perspective of the complex relationships between the sultans, emirs, and Mamluk agents in a governance with a competitive rather than hereditary structure, and even to determine the impact of the macro-process of the world economy of that era, especially the European maritime trade between the East and the West via the Red Sea-Mediterranean and the coasts of Egypt, at a point in history when Egypt's economic power had declined due to various external and internal factors.

Abstract The period from 1941 to 1946 CE (1320 to 1325 AHSh), coinciding with World War II and the Allied occupation of Iran, is considered one of the most critical economic eras in modern Iranian history. During this pivotal juncture, the country's administrative system, as the executive arm of the state, played a decisive role in managing and controlling economic crises. However, the performance of state agents in these critical circumstances was confronted with numerous structural and functional challenges.



Consequently, this research, employing a historical analysis method and examining documentary and library sources, seeks to answer the following question: How was the performance of government agents in implementing state measures to manage Iran's economic crisis during World War II (1941-1946)?



The hypothesis of this study posits that the performance of state agents in this sensitive period—specifically in implementing laws and regulations, in administrative and financial operations, and in the rationing and distribution of essential goods—failed to demonstrate effectiveness in crisis management.



The findings of the research indicate that the Iranian bureaucracy was plagued by issues such as a lack of transparency in the allocation of duties, weak supervisory mechanisms, and deviation from established policies.

Abstract Guilan silk played an important role in the economic market of northern Iran during the Qajar era. As a result, a large part of the people of Guilan, including the producers and merchants of this product, were associated with the silk economy. However, the government's economic policies, both domestically and internationally, did not provide for the interests of the silk industry. Therefore, the opposition to the economic policies of the central government by the silk producers and merchants, along with the beginning of the constitutional era, became an excuse for these groups to participate in the political and social events of the constitutional era. The present article seeks to ask what was the role of the silk merchants and silk manufacturers of Guilan in the social and political developments of the Constitutional Revolution? The research findings show that the interests of silk producers and merchants, combined with increasing pressure from the government and local governments, led to an alliance between them and the peasants and constitutional mujahideen to participate in the constitutional movement. The present research is conducted using a historical method and an analytical approach, using library and documentary data.

Abstract Introduction
The concept of development and development planning is an issue that has become a problem of the Iranian society in the contemporary era. Therefore, many have studied and criticized this concept, ideas and development plans prepared in Iran. The authors of this research have previously evaluated and investigated the development plans in the second Pahlavi era in a research titled "Construction of Development Plans in Iran before the Islamic Revolution". The present research, which deals with the construction of development plans after the Islamic revolution, in continuation of the same research with the approach of historical sociology and the theoretical model of construction, seeks an answer to how the development plans are formulated after the Islamic revolution.
Materials & Methods
Historical sociology investigates the evolution of social structures and processes, therefore, in a sense, it pays attention to the development of societies and examines the theoretical and practical aspects of the phenomena of human society in a historical context and in a long-term process. This research uses this approach to formulate the planning process. Development in Iran will benefit after the Islamic Revolution. Most of the studies conducted in this field have been limited to one of these aspects or have not examined this phenomenon in a historical context and in a comprehensive process. In terms of the theoretical approach, in this article, the construction theory will be used as an epistemic platform for data processing. The theoretical approach of construction is considered a unified theoretical model and connects two levels of society, micro and macro, so in this approach, social phenomena are created in the interrelationship of structure-actor/agent and are reproduced in a dialectical and dynamic relationship in the historical context of structures.
Discussion & Result
The concept of development, after the Islamic revolution, with the interruption that occurred in its implementation, unlike the experience before the revolution, faced a different worldview, which made the development process face a new problem, and that was the lack of attention to the different foundations of these two phenomena. Therefore, regardless of the coordination of the theoretical basis of these two phenomena, the development process faced serious problems. The effort to align the ideals of the revolution and the theoretical ideas of development was something that was not paid much attention to at first, and this itself became a factor for the internal and external contradictions of this phenomenon. The different approaches of different governments to build the concept of development based on new ideals was another factor that did not help the theoretical construction of this phenomenon. The change of governments in the middle of implementing the programs also prevented the coherence of this phenomenon in the experience after the revolution. In addition to that, the interference of the compiled development plans with the upstream documents made it impossible to construct this phenomenon. This resulted in the formation of an intellectual consensus about the concept and format of development after the revolution and, except for the third program prepared and implemented in the reform government, a coherent thinking environment for development programs was not formed.
In the domain of activists, the development plans after the Islamic revolution faced fundamental challenges. As the conflict between governments and parliaments over the approval and implementation of post-revolution development plans and various government departments with each other, often led to a lack of elite consensus on development plans and even led to non-implementation by governments and their complete negation. As sometimes the development plans have been extended due to these differences and non-approval at the appointed time. Activists of development programs sometimes faced the problem of the possibility of forming this concept by completely denying the planning path in practice.
Conclusion
In the course of history, the developed development plans were faced with events during the implementation phase that made it impossible to form these plans. The most important feature of the development programs after the Islamic revolution, unlike the pre-revolution era, is the budget deficit due to the dependence of the budget on oil and various sanctions since the beginning of the Islamic revolution, which did not provide the possibility of its coherent construction. This has made it impossible to achieve the goals of the development plans and has caused deviations from the plans. Sanctions on Iran and its social, political and economic results have practically made the necessary platform for the implementation and formation of development plans impossible. In other words, for a long time, sanctions have prevented the use of elite capacities, financing, technological supply, etc., and on the other hand, by creating crises and social and economic gaps, it has challenged the development plans. Therefore, the development plans in Iran after the revolution have not been able to be constructed and have remained in the form of ideas and thoughts.

Abstract Introduction
At the beginning of the 20th century, Iran and Afghanistan simultaneously started the process of modernization. But despite the civilizational-historical similarities (such as the common language, religion, cultural traditions, monarchy political systems and political culture (, the development achievements of the two countries were different from each other. In Iran, during Reza Shah Pahlavi's era, state-nation building, modernization of judicial system, creation of communication and industrial infrastructures, administrative-financial modernization, formation of a modern army, and educational and cultural modernization, were carried out in such a way that the face of Iran was completely changed at the end of his 16 - years rule.  In Afghanistan, Amanullah Khan (1919 to 1929) started modernization plans in important sections, including state building, drafting the constitution, organizing monetary-financial structures, establishing some industries and workshops, and creating new infrastructures such as schools, media and army. These plans, however, failed and stopped after a decade. Now the question is why, despite the efforts to advance the process of modernization, these two countries faced a different situation in the modernization process and results? Why did Iran achieve levels of modernization during the Pahlavi era, but Amanullah's government failed and collapsed? In Iran, the cooperation of social forces that supported modernization, and the adoption of a successful "survival strategy and survival politics" by the government seems to have restrained social forces that were against modernization. In Afghanistan, however, the lack of social forces supporting modernization and the government's inability to apply a successful survival strategy and politics, caused the failure of modernization process.
Materials & Methods
This research is based on the historical sociology method. Using comparative-historical sociology, this research tries to analyze the socio-historical contexts affecting the modernization process in Iran and Afghanistan, by examining the nature and relationship between the government and society. To compare countries, there are two methods: the method of “difference” (examining similar systems, and selecting their points of difference as the cause of a phenomenon), and the method of “agreement” (examining different systems, and choosing one or more common factors in them as the cause of a phenomenon). In this research, the difference method has been used to compare two countries. The societies of Iran and Afghanistan have been considered to have relatively similar nature and structures, except for the "type of relationship between the government and society"; This difference has been the reason for the success of modernization in Iran and its failure in Afghanistan. According to the historical nature of this research, its data has been collected using documents and books, and in general using library resources. These data have been analyzed using a documentary method, and with a critical attitude.
Discussion & Result
To realize modernization, three key elements play a fundamental role: the state, society (social forces and social classes), and the nature or type of relationship between the state and society. In a state-oriented view, Adrian Leftwich using the “developmental state” concept, considers development in a country to be a function of that country's politics, and emphasizes that economic development has a deeply political nature. According to him, the developmental state has the components of a relative independence from social forces, determined and developmental elites, bureaucratic power, and weak civil society. With a one-sided view of the government's role in the development process, Leftwich considers the civil society as a disturbing and passive element, and emphasizes its weakening. It seems that this part of Leftwich's conceptual structure has some kind of theoretical and experimental deficiency. In the approach of "two-way state-society relations", Joel Migdal in the theory of "state in society" (limited state theory) believes that state and social forces are always in competition, cooperation or conflict with each other. Sometimes one side overcomes or compromises, and sometimes they balance each other's power. This view requires changing the focus of analysis from the state as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view), to a "process-oriented" view of state in society. This theory is operationalized with the help of social control components, survival strategy and survival policy. Accepting the impact of politics on development and the importance of the centrality of the developmental state, we focus here on the role of social forces supporting modernization and forces allied with the state in this process ـ Contrary to Leftwich, who emphasizes the weakness of civil society as one of the conditions of development.
Conclusion
Based on the results of this comparative study, it can be said that the will, desire and power of the developmental state alone (in a way that ignores or does not care about the cooperation or opposition of social forces) does not necessarily lead to the success of modernization and development process. In other words, from the perspective of the state-society relations, while the existence of a developmental state as well as the restrain of anti-developmental social forces is a "necessary condition" for advancing development programs, the existence of developmental social forces and their agreement and collaboration with the government is a "sufficient condition" for the realization of development.

Abstract Extended abstract

Introduction

Efforts to industrialize Iran before the era of Pahlavi II (Mohammad Reza Shah) were conducted outside of any coherent, structured plan and often executed in a directive manner. However, during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, with the formulation of long-term developmental plans and the parallel establishment of a planning institution known as the Plan Organization, industrialization for the first time embarked on a pre-designed path. Despite this, the examination of industrial development throughout this period reveals numerous managerial challenges in the process of industrialization. In the early years of Mohammad Reza Shah’s rule, although the government assumed economic and industrial responsibilities in accordance with the constitutional law, officials and politicians lacked deep familiarity with industrial management practices and the evolving nature of industrial management in the West. Consequently, despite the formulation of a comprehensive development plan, placing industrial programs under its umbrella, and creating a planning institution, the absence of a scientifically structured mechanism for industrial management and the undefined scope of responsibilities of those in charge became a point of contention. This contention persisted into later decades as the power of the state diminished and Shah’s involvement in governance increased, leading to significant challenges in managing the country’s industrialization. These challenges sometimes manifested as tensions between the government and technocrats outside the state apparatus, at other times as overt and covert conflicts between members of the government and state agencies, and occasionally as direct confrontations between Shah and the government itself, ultimately hindering the achievement of long-term industrial goals.
The present research is aimed at examining these challenges across five distinct periods from 1941 to 1979 and answering the question: what were the managerial challenges during various phases of this era? Studying the trajectory of industrial management between 1941 and 1979, and observing recurring issues and challenges, led to the assertion that industrialization management during this period was never considered independent from political management. Throughout this entire era, industrial development suffered from the absence of an independent and scientific managerial mechanism.
The existing body of research on industrial development in Iran can be categorized into three main groups. The first group focuses on the historical timeline of industrial transformations in Iran. Papers such as “A Century of Industrial Change in Iran” and “Examining the Developments of Industry and Industrial Development in Iran” review the historical trajectory of industrial growth in the country (Rahnama 2020: 2-38 and Sharifzadegan 2015: 41-66). The second group examines industrial transformations through the lens of urban and industrial planning. Papers like “Structuring Development in Pahlavi Era Iran”, “Reasons for the Failure of the Development Planning System in Pahlavi II Era”, and the dissertation “The Formation of the Plan and Budget Organization and Its Impact on the Political and Economic Developments of the Pahlavi II Era” analyze industrial transformations within the context of long-term development plans (Kasraei 2023: 218-238, Taleb 2006: 181-204, and Shahvand 2019). The third group investigates the industrial sector as a component of the economic system. Papers like “The Economic Strategy of Pahlavi II” and “Economic Policies of the Pahlavi II Regime Regarding Industry, with an Emphasis on Iran-Germany Relations, 1961-1978” address the challenges facing the industrial sector as intertwined with the broader economic policies of the regime (Nasr 2003: 31-39 and Torabi 2017: 66-78).
The distinctive feature of the present study compared to previous works is its focus on analyzing industrialization during the Pahlavi II era from a managerial perspective.

Methodology

The research method employed in this study is descriptive-analytical. The researcher refers to less-utilized library sources, examines existing documents, and extracts historical data. Initially, the process of drafting plans and implementing industrialization programs during the Pahlavi II era by the relevant authorities is described. Subsequently, based on the gathered information, the performance, outcomes, and impacts of their actions are analyzed and evaluated.

Discussion and Conclusion

The examination of industrial management challenges across five periods during the Pahlavi II reign reveals that despite structural and institutional changes and the formulation of long-term plans, the management of industrialization continued to follow traditional management mechanisms in Iran. This mechanism was heavily dependent on the interests of the ruling power, and the behavior and motivations of individual politicians and state managers, as well as the political and economic stances of foreign actors. This management system struggled with issues such as individual and unplanned decision-making, overlapping responsibilities among stakeholders, shifting authority, neglect of specialized expertise, preference for short-term gains, and foreign interventions, etc. In such a system, there was significant resistance to delegating managerial authority to experts and non-political figures. Even when such authority was granted, it was temporary and superficial, driven by non-scientific motivations. As these motivations altered, there was a regression to conservative practices, resulting in the withdrawal of responsibilities from experts. Consequently, the formation of an academic and scientific framework for industrial management based on expert thinking was obstructed, hindering progress toward achieving long-term industrial goals.