Tahqiqāt-e Târix-e Eqtesâdi (Economic History Studies of Iran)

Abstract Given the importance of non-economic factors affecting countries’ development—among them developmental thinking and the presence of development-oriented individuals as the most important non-economic determinant of societal development—the present study examines the impact of development-oriented mindsets, especially among statesmen and policymakers, on Iran’s level of development. To this end, the study explored the likelihood of a correspondence between Naser al‑Din Shah’s vision and attitudes during the Qajar period and the indigenized indicators of Inkeles’s “modern man” using qualitative content analysis.

The findings indicate that, based on the extracted components Including paying attention to all aspects of human existence (to the essence of man, regardless of his incidental characteristics), supporting the products of human thought and thought, paying attention to meeting the needs of the general public and subordinates, giving importance to new ideas and innovations and using new and advanced technologies, believing in the increase of science and knowledge, having a spirit of modernity and progress, etc. Naser al‑Din Shah possessed a developmental mindset, and his developmental vision produced positive transformations in Iran across various fields, including science, agriculture, industry, commerce, communications, and others.

Abstract Taxation as the government's share of society's income has long been prevalent and accepted. Tax evasion is the intentional illegal behavior of not paying taxes. The examples of tax evasion are including, lack of reporting assets, concealing sources of income, and circumventing the tax system to avoid paying the approved tax. This descriptive-analytical study aimed to examine the common practices of tax evasion, based on the social and economic context of the Nasseri period, by examining various areas of tax evasion. The results showed that taxpayers evaded paying taxes by not cooperating and concealing information, complaining about the tax amount, and seeking sanctuary in holy places. In more serious situations, they resorted to violence or abandoned their properties to avoid paying taxes. Sometimes, rulers sabotaged the payment of excess taxes to the treasury, destroyed documents, or changed land applications. The Nasseri government dealt with these behaviors through dialogue, force, or acceptance.

Abstract One of the lesser-known aspects of Shapour Bakhtiar's life is his involvement in the field of economics. After the decline of the National Resistance Movement in 1957 and the resulting despair among political activists, Bakhtiar emerged as an economic actor. The main question of this study is: why and how did Shapour Bakhtiar, a fervent political activist, turn towards economic activities? What roles did he undertake in this field, and what legacy did he leave behind?

The hypothesis of this research is that Bakhtiar, disillusioned by the outcomes of political activism and constrained by social limitations, entered the economic sphere to distance himself from political pressures and address his financial issues.

This article, using a descriptive and analytical method and relying on unpublished documents, explores Bakhtiar’s transformation from a political figure to an economic actor. It demonstrates that after withdrawing from political activities, Bakhtiar managed to become a notable economic figure in Iran. He held managerial roles in companies affiliated with the Pahlavi Foundation as well as other private enterprises, and was active in various industries including dairy, glass, and construction materials.

This career shift allowed him to reduce political pressures and place himself in a position of lower surveillance.

Abstract The twelfth century AH was among the most turbulent phases in Iranian history, marked by wars, recurrent governmental collapse, and the disintegration of power structures. The Divan of Istifa, one of the central pillars of the fiscal system and the main institution responsible for supervising state revenues, endured the most severe consequences of conflict compared to other bureaucratic bodies. Employing a historical-analytical approach and drawing on primary sources, this study investigates the relationship between warfare, administrative breakdown, and the gradual militarization of the bureaucracy, asking how war reshaped the structure and functioning of Iranian institutions, especially the Divan of Istifa. The findings show that warfare precipitated the collapse of the Safavid financial system and weakened the Divan’s supervisory authority over provincial administrations. Regular taxation was replaced by coercive mechanisms rooted in military dominance. As conflicts expanded, military figures infiltrated administrative and fiscal domains, redirecting financial resources toward the army and transforming the Divan of Istifa from an auditing body into an instrument for financing military expenditures. War also affected the status of Mustofis by undermining their security, altering their responsibilities, and converting them into political and diplomatic intermediaries during this prolonged and destabilizing century of conflict in Iran.

Abstract Until the beginning of Mozaffar al-Din Shah’s reign, all sugar consumed in Iran was imported from abroad. The first attempts to produce sugar domestically during his rule failed, until, with the rise of Reza Shah and the reopening of the Kahrizak Sugar Factory in 1931, sugar production in Iran resumed after a 35-year hiatus. Subsequently, the Škoda Company was commissioned to construct six sugar factories in different parts of the country, one of which was the Shahabad Sugar Factory. This was despite the fact that Shahabad had neither an industrial background nor any prior experience in beet cultivation.

This study, using a descriptive–analytical method and based on unpublished archival documents and press materials from Reza Shah’s period, examines the backgrounds, objectives, and consequences of establishing this factory. Findings indicate that after the relative consolidation of royal estates in western Iran, state policies shifted from quantitative expansion toward commercialization and changes in cropping patterns. The establishment of the Shahabad Sugar Factory at the center of the royal estates in the west formed part of this strategy—by cultivating sugar beet on these lands, both profitability could increase and the factory’s raw material could be secured.

Abstract accordance with the country's developmental needs through planning and implementation. The main issue of this research is to examine the performance and outcomes of these plans in the development of the country's road and rail infrastructure. This analysis is based on the concept of dependent development, applying dependency theory, and uses documentary and statistical methods aligned with the key factors of the referenced theoretical framework.

The findings show how, in the context of an economy dependent on global industrial capital centers, even the developmental and infrastructural plans of a peripheral country have become counterproductive, leading to greater economic dependency and increased capital outflow to global system centers. The research demonstrates that the development of transportation infrastructure during the Pahlavi II era, rather than ensuring national benefits and fostering economic development, had adverse effects on the national economy, deepening underdevelopment, expanding unequal trade, and worsening the country's trade balance by facilitating capital export to industrial countries engaged in trade with Iran.

۱۵:۱۹

Abstract The period from 1941 to 1946 CE (1320 to 1325 AHSh), coinciding with World War II and the Allied occupation of Iran, is considered one of the most critical economic eras in modern Iranian history. During this pivotal juncture, the country's administrative system, as the executive arm of the state, played a decisive role in managing and controlling economic crises. However, the performance of state agents in these critical circumstances was confronted with numerous structural and functional challenges.



Consequently, this research, employing a historical analysis method and examining documentary and library sources, seeks to answer the following question: How was the performance of government agents in implementing state measures to manage Iran's economic crisis during World War II (1941-1946)?



The hypothesis of this study posits that the performance of state agents in this sensitive period—specifically in implementing laws and regulations, in administrative and financial operations, and in the rationing and distribution of essential goods—failed to demonstrate effectiveness in crisis management.



The findings of the research indicate that the Iranian bureaucracy was plagued by issues such as a lack of transparency in the allocation of duties, weak supervisory mechanisms, and deviation from established policies.

Abstract This article explains the position and relationship between industry, agriculture, and animal husbandry in Kerman province from the Safavid era to the first Pahlavi era. Kerman is a vast land, but with a low population density and little rainfall. Iranian industries during the period under consideration in this study are considered to be of the "ancient industries" type. Traditional agriculture and animal husbandry were prevalent during this period. From the Safavid era to the Qajar era, "ancient industries" in Kerman had a sinusoidal trend; that is, they had an ascending, descending, and neutral course, and finally reached a degree of decline that left no trace of their glory days. However, agriculture and animal husbandry continued to grow despite the drought and water shortage of the climate. The following article seeks to find the reasons for this event and discover the reasons for the greater progress of some branches of industry, especially textiles and carpet weaving, in the Kerman region compared to other industrial fields, relying on the characteristics of the ecosystem.

Abstract Economic policy in the Middle Ages was considered a means of meeting domestic needs and foreign orientation of governments. Therefore, it became a factor in competition and conflict between the two rulers, the Ilkhanids and the Mamluks, in the seventh and eighth centuries AH, a competition whose dimensions went beyond the military battlefield and encompassed the economic and commercial arenas This research, based on a descriptive-analytical approach, compares the role of the economy in the foreign policy of these two governments.The main question of the research is how and through what mechanisms did the economic policies of the Ilkhanids and Mamluks become an effective factor in foreign policy in the competition between these two governments? The research findings show that economic policies, including management and control of land and sea trade routes, economic sanctions, and trade alliances with foreign powers, were the most important factors in shaping the foreign policy of the Ilkhanates and Mamluks. This policy was used to strengthen military and political power. It became an alternative to military confrontations

Abstract During the Qajar period, Sultanabad of Iraqi ‘Ajam developed as an emerging urban center whose economic transformation cannot be explained solely through state policies or geographical factors. Among the social groups involved in this process, Armenian migrants played a role that exceeded their demographic presence. This article analyzes the economic and cultural roles of Armenians in Sultanabad by focusing on the interconnections between migration, trade, and the transfer of human capital.Adopting a historical-analytical approach, the study draws on archival documents, official reports, administrative correspondence, and recent scholarly research. Its theoretical framework combines migration network theory with human capital theory to explain how Armenian migration—structured through commercial, religious, and kinship networks—enabled the circulation of capital, skills, and economic knowledge within the city.The findings indicate that Armenians, as network-based economic migrants, contributed significantly to the expansion of trade, particularly in sectors linked to interregional and export markets. At the same time, through the establishment of educational and cultural institutions, they enhanced human capital and promoted more professional economic practices. This dual economic and cultural engagement strengthened Sultanabad’s position within wider commercial networks and accelerated the formation of its urban economy.

Abstract Following Iran’s land reform program, the Darghazin Agricultural Joint‑Stock Company in Hamadan Province was established to prevent land fragmentation, modernize agriculture, and enhance productivity. Using Anthony Giddens’s structuration theory, this study examines the social and economic consequences of the company’s formation. Data were collected from archival and library sources and analyzed through process tracing. Economically, the company initially succeeded in increasing the cultivated area, improving agricultural yield, and raising shareholders’ income. However, financial dependence on the government persisted, and income inequality among shareholders was reproduced, hindering the creation of a self‑sufficient economic structure. Socially, distrust and resistance among shareholders toward the company’s management prevented the development of lasting participatory practices. The adoption of a tenancy‑based exploitation system reflected the shareholders’ strategic adaptation to existing conditions. Their conscious actions contributed to a relative improvement in agricultural output but did not overcome structural constraints. Ultimately, the continued reliance on government support led to the reproduction of the same structural inefficiencies that the reform sought to eliminate, demonstrating the mutual interaction between agency and structure described in Giddens’s framework and highlighting the limits of state‑directed agricultural modernization in Iran.

Abstract During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the British East India Company, followed by the British government, profoundly reshaped the exploitation of natural resources in the Persian Gulf, deeply entwined with the region’s commercial, military, and geographical structures. Its distinctive climate, flora and fauna, and productive maritime and agricultural systems made the Gulf a key focus of British and East India economic policy. This study investigates the expansion of trade in slaves, pearls, industrial goods, and foodstuffs, examining how these trades interacted with the local environment and highlighting their destructive effects on ecosystems and indigenous structures. The core argument is that British profit-driven priorities dominated trade, leading to extensive overexploitation of local resources, with environmental concerns addressed only when they aligned with economic and geopolitical interests. Focusing particularly on the slave and pearl trades, the research draws upon surviving records of the East India Company and British India. The findings show that Britain’s colonial presence accelerated depletion, undermined ecological resilience, and disrupted the subsistence systems of local communities. Overall, the study demonstrates that under the logic of economic domination, environmental preservation was considered primarily when it served the objectives of the colonial power.