Tahqiqāt-e Târix-e Eqtesâdi (Economic History Studies of Iran)

Abstract Guilan silk played an important role in the economic market of northern Iran during the Qajar era. As a result, a large part of the people of Guilan, including the producers and merchants of this product, were associated with the silk economy. However, the government's economic policies, both domestically and internationally, did not provide for the interests of the silk industry. Therefore, the opposition to the economic policies of the central government by the silk producers and merchants, along with the beginning of the constitutional era, became an excuse for these groups to participate in the political and social events of the constitutional era. The present article seeks to ask what was the role of the silk merchants and silk manufacturers of Guilan in the social and political developments of the Constitutional Revolution? The research findings show that the interests of silk producers and merchants, combined with increasing pressure from the government and local governments, led to an alliance between them and the peasants and constitutional mujahideen to participate in the constitutional movement. The present research is conducted using a historical method and an analytical approach, using library and documentary data.

Abstract labor as an influential and sensitive segment of Iranian social structure, have faced numerous contradictions and conflicts. These contradictions also existed during the Second Pahlavi period. The question of this research is what are the social factors affecting labor contradictions and tensions during the Second Pahlavi period? This study has been conducted with a historical analysis approach. research articles related to the situation of labor during this period have also been used as other sources. The results show that although the policies of the Second Pahlavi period were relatively focused on improving the welfare of labor and their social security, wage inequality, unbalanced distribution of labor relative to income, and unequal access to welfare services still existed. The government's policy towards industrial labor was a combination of incentives and repression; on the one hand, there was the enactment of labor laws, improved working conditions, the development of health insurance, and limited labor participation in the shares of industrial factories; on the other hand, the formation of government unions (yellow) and SAVAK surveillance of labor prevented the full realization of their rights. In cases where the dispute resolution process failed, security measures were taken, including dismissals, repression, and arrests of labor.

Abstract The emirs of Hormuz, during the 8th and 9th centuries AH, took advantage of the island’s strategic position as a transit hub and its trade relations with major ports in the East. Consequently, Hormuz, by virtue of this commercial role, held a superior economic status in the region.

However, with the Portuguese conquest of Hormuz in the 10th century AH, the island’s economic standing as the main center of trade in the Persian Gulf underwent complex and ambiguous changes that remain unclear to researchers. The arrival of the Portuguese connected Hormuz’s economy to the global economy, which led to a growth in regional trade. At the same time, archival documents and sources reveal the weakening of merchants’ livelihoods and the decline of the local economy.

This research primarily aims to study the economy of Hormuz from 912 AH to 996 AH, using research and archival document analysis, to clarify why despite the increase in revenues during these years, the economic decline of Hormuz under Portuguese rule has been reported. The review of documents indicates that the growing revenues during this period were not invested in strengthening Hormuz’s commercial infrastructure, but rather served the interests of Portuguese captains and officials.

Abstract One of the lesser-known aspects of Shapour Bakhtiar's life is his involvement in the field of economics. After the decline of the National Resistance Movement in 1957 and the resulting despair among political activists, Bakhtiar emerged as an economic actor. The main question of this study is: why and how did Shapour Bakhtiar, a fervent political activist, turn towards economic activities? What roles did he undertake in this field, and what legacy did he leave behind?
The hypothesis of this research is that Bakhtiar, disillusioned by the outcomes of political activism and constrained by social limitations, entered the economic sphere to distance himself from political pressures and address his financial issues.
This article, using a descriptive and analytical method and relying on unpublished documents, explores Bakhtiar’s transformation from a political figure to an economic actor. It demonstrates that after withdrawing from political activities, Bakhtiar managed to become a notable economic figure in Iran. He held managerial roles in companies affiliated with the Pahlavi Foundation as well as other private enterprises, and was active in various industries including dairy, glass, and construction materials.
This career shift allowed him to reduce political pressures and place himself in a position of lower surveillance.

Abstract accordance with the country's developmental needs through planning and implementation. The main issue of this research is to examine the performance and outcomes of these plans in the development of the country's road and rail infrastructure. This analysis is based on the concept of dependent development, applying dependency theory, and uses documentary and statistical methods aligned with the key factors of the referenced theoretical framework.
The findings show how, in the context of an economy dependent on global industrial capital centers, even the developmental and infrastructural plans of a peripheral country have become counterproductive, leading to greater economic dependency and increased capital outflow to global system centers. The research demonstrates that the development of transportation infrastructure during the Pahlavi II era, rather than ensuring national benefits and fostering economic development, had adverse effects on the national economy, deepening underdevelopment, expanding unequal trade, and worsening the country's trade balance by facilitating capital export to industrial countries engaged in trade with Iran.
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Abstract The general perception of how to deal with these threats is passivity and tolerance of hunger and food shortages in famine. A study of agromony heritage of the Islamic period in the form of agromony shows that the scholars of the Islamic period, beyond the practical guidance and education of agriculture, have sought solutions and offered various solutions to deal with this natural phenomenon. So that the attention to the issue of famine and ways to deal with it is reflected in most of the Falahati texts, and several examples of it can be found. The measures presented in these works can be categorised along two axes: preparation and forecasting of shortages, and other practical measures in the face of famine-related difficulties. Crop procurement guidelines fall into the first category, even from poor and desert areas, storage methods, and long-term storage of grain. Also, strategies such as identifying grain alternative foods and correcting or reducing the side effects of feeding with these alternatives, introducing suitable additives to flour and bread as the dominant strength and some more detailed prescriptions in feeding methods and hunger tolerance of the main axes of the second part; It is a practical confrontation with famines.

Abstract Kurdistan has historically functioned as a locus of coexistence and interaction among diverse ethno-religious communities. Although Jews constituted a demographic minority, they played a significant role in the region’s socio-economic transformations. Improvements in their social and legal status facilitated broader participation in trade, commerce, and regional economic networks, although their activities were continuously mediated by relations with the central state, interactions with foreign powers, and the Muslim majority.
This study employs archival sources and historical data through a descriptive–analytical methodology to examine the economic occupations and commercial agency of Kurdish Jews from the Constitutional Revolution to the end of the Pahlavi era, analyzing the structural and social factors that enabled or constrained their economic opportunities. Findings indicate that Kurdish Jews were able to secure a firm position within the regional economy and played a pivotal role as merchants within trade networks connecting Iran, the Ottoman Empire, and Mesopotamia. Strategic selection of professions with lower social sensitivity, capacity to navigate structural constraints, and leveraging emergent opportunities were key determinants of their economic success.

Abstract "This article aims to examine the form and content of contracts with foreign companies located in the Angurestan mansion, a property endowed by Haj Mohammad Ebrahim Malek al-Tojjar Esfahani in the city of Isfahan, and to compare them with the domestic leases of this merchant. It employs a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizes the content analysis method. The findings from the analysis of lease agreements concluded between this merchant and foreign companies, including Hods, Ziegler, and Lynch, indicate that the leased properties encompassed a wide range of uses, and the amounts and terms of the leases reflected the exigencies of the time. The most significant formal difference is the linguistic diversity in these documents, where English and Russian languages are used alongside Persian. This linguistic diversity reflects the expansion of Iran's commercial relations with Western countries during the Qajar period and the impact of these relations on the manner of drafting commercial contracts. Furthermore, the research shows that the writing of the formula of contract ('sighat-e-aqd') in these documents was less formal, with only one lease agreement among the examined samples containing this formula. These findings provide valuable information regarding linguistic and legal developments during the Qajar era. The results of this research demonstrate that the lease agreements concluded with European countries reflect the expansion of Iran's commercial relations with Western countries during the Qajar period and the impact of these relations on the manner of drafting commercial contracts."

Abstract The period from 1941 to 1946 CE (1320 to 1325 AHSh), coinciding with World War II and the Allied occupation of Iran, is considered one of the most critical economic eras in modern Iranian history. During this pivotal juncture, the country's administrative system, as the executive arm of the state, played a decisive role in managing and controlling economic crises. However, the performance of state agents in these critical circumstances was confronted with numerous structural and functional challenges.

Consequently, this research, employing a historical analysis method and examining documentary and library sources, seeks to answer the following question: How was the performance of government agents in implementing state measures to manage Iran's economic crisis during World War II (1941-1946)?

The hypothesis of this study posits that the performance of state agents in this sensitive period—specifically in implementing laws and regulations, in administrative and financial operations, and in the rationing and distribution of essential goods—failed to demonstrate effectiveness in crisis management.

The findings of the research indicate that the Iranian bureaucracy was plagued by issues such as a lack of transparency in the allocation of duties, weak supervisory mechanisms, and deviation from established policies.

Abstract This article explains the position and relationship between industry, agriculture, and animal husbandry in Kerman province from the Safavid era to the first Pahlavi era. Kerman is a vast land, but with a low population density and little rainfall. Iranian industries during the period under consideration in this study are considered to be of the "ancient industries" type. Traditional agriculture and animal husbandry were prevalent during this period. From the Safavid era to the Qajar era, "ancient industries" in Kerman had a sinusoidal trend; that is, they had an ascending, descending, and neutral course, and finally reached a degree of decline that left no trace of their glory days. However, agriculture and animal husbandry continued to grow despite the drought and water shortage of the climate. The following article seeks to find the reasons for this event and discover the reasons for the greater progress of some branches of industry, especially textiles and carpet weaving, in the Kerman region compared to other industrial fields, relying on the characteristics of the ecosystem.

Abstract This study examines the educational policies of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company during the interwar period (1921–1945). In these years, the growing need for skilled labor in the nascent oil industry, combined with pressure from the Iranian government to employ local workers, led the company to establish technical schools. Drawing on archival sources and historical documents, the study investigates the formation of this educational system, the company’s rationale for developing it, and its impact on the training of skilled Iranian labor. The findings indicate that while these schools contributed to workforce training in Iran, the company’s economic and political interests—particularly cost reduction and greater control over labor—played a decisive role in shaping these policies. The research also highlights how systematic discrimination between Iranian and foreign workers, poor working and living conditions, and the absence of meaningful career advancement opportunities for Iranians generated dissatisfaction among both workers and graduates of these schools. Ultimately, the study evaluates the short- and long-term consequences of these policies for the oil industry and Iranian society.

Abstract From the mid-Qajar period, Iranian-made textiles faced serious challenges in competition with imported European fabrics, and local products were gradually replaced by foreign textiles. Supporting national goods became one of the strategies for sustaining domestic production. this concept emerged as an idea and later materialized in practice through the establishment of various companies and associations aimed at promoting the consumption of domestic textiles in Mashhad.
no research has been conducted in this area so far and the measures and approaches to support of domestic goods, the results achieved, and the reasons their failure have not been identified. the present study aims to explore the ideas and practical actions taken to support domestic goods. The findings show that, influenced by the activities of the Eslamiyeh Company, the book Lebas al-Taqwa, the speeches of Haj Seyyed Mohammad Aqa, and the promotional efforts of the Adab newspaper, support for domestic products began. After the Constitutional Revolution, this movement gained further attention within associations such as the Esna Ashari Association, the Sa'adat Association, as well as in the poems of Esmail Khoyi. Later in the newspaper Fekr-e Azad and the fatwa of Mirza Reza Damghani also influenced support for the consumption of domestic textiles.

Abstract From the Sasanian Empire and other great states such as the Roman Empire, the Han Empire, and the Abbasid Caliphate, there are reliable tax data that can be used to compare the economic power of these governments. Since the current currency and the geographical conditions of the states were different, contemporary researchers use the conversion of money into the price of grain, especially wheat, to estimate the economic power of the states. By finding the approximate price of wheat in each of the investigated states and converting the total tax received by these states into the mass unit of wheat, it is possible to compare their economic power. The main issue of the current research is the comparative study of the income of the Sasanian kingdom with the mentioned governments to compare their economic power. The obtained results will show that, Although the Sassanians collected less taxes from each people and lands than the States after them, but on average, they had about 3 to 6 times the income of the largest non-Iranian states of the ancient and middle world in terms of the price of wheat. The research method comparative study and data collection method is library.

Abstract Extended abstract
Introduction: Today, although more foreign products are available to an increasing number of global consumers and more countries seek to increase exports and strengthen their image, but it seems that tensions among countries caused by disputes over territories, economic pressures, sanctions and religious conflicts have worsened the relations among nations in such a way that, if these disputes are perceived as offensive or unfair, they can cause enmity and increased nationalism, and finally adversely affecting the market. Consumers' anger toward a country that they perceive as an enemy may affect their perception of that country's products and image, and thus negatively impacting the export performance of that product. Consumer nationalism is also part of the attitude that consumers have towards products produced in a foreign country. In other words, customers who have strong ethnic beliefs are more likely to evaluate foreign products negatively than those who do not have such beliefs. As a result, for patriotic reasons, they refrain from buying foreign products even if the quality of the foreign product is superior to their own. Therefore, consumer nationalism has a positive effect on product evaluation (acceptance and belief), but negative effect with consumer hostility. Therefore, the research objective is to investigate the effects of economic hostility and nationalism on international trade. The hypothesis of the research is that economic enmity and nationalism have adverse influence on international trade.
Methodology: The current research is a survey type in terms of its practical and descriptive purpose and based on the elements and structures in the literature of the subject, a conceptual framework including a set of propositions is considered. From a structural standpoint, the conceptual model is divided into five categories of construct: 1) Economic hostility, which is caused by the feeling of economic dominance or aggression of the people of a country towards an enemy country which is related to temporary economic events; 2) Consumer nationalism, operationalized in a broader sense that combines consumer nationalism with an eye toward protecting trade, restricting foreign investment, restricting immigration, and restricting foreign companies and intellectual property; 3) The general image of the country, which is defined as a general structure that includes general images created not only by exemplary products, but also by the degree of economic and political maturity, historical events and relationships, culture and traditions, and the degree of virtue and industrialization of technology. It is characterized by a cognitive dimension (related to the level of economic, industrial and technological development) and an emotional dimension (related to emotional characteristics and beliefs towards people); 4) Product-related beliefs, which refer to the judgment and evaluation of specific consumers toward another country's products. 5) Product acceptance, which is defined as a conscious or unconscious readiness to accept external supply systems. The tool used for data collection was a questionnaire and a set of template ideas adapted from previous research.  In this regard, a sample of 341 people from a population of 3000 students graduated in the field of economics and commerce was selected by a simple random randomly method and questionnaires were distributed, responses were tabulated, and the data were analyzed using the structural equation technique. Since this sample includes economics and business students, it was assumed that these students have an acceptable knowledge and understanding of financial crises and business economic issues.
Results and Discussion: The findings of the research showed that economic hostility towards a foreign country does not have a negative effect on the understanding of the overall image of the country and the beliefs related to the product, but only on the acceptance of the product. Furthermore, economic hostility towards a foreign country has a positive effect on consumer nationalism. On the other hand, nationalism has a negative relationship with belief in the product, but it has no relationship with a negative perception of the country's image. However, higher level of nationalism has a negative effect on product acceptance. A higher level of hostility towards a foreign country does not affect the level of perception of the overall image of the country and the quality of the products made in that country. However, there is a strong and negative relationship between consumer hostility and product acceptance. As a result, consumers with a higher level of economic hostility usually do not welcome more imports from countries that are considered enemies, show a lower level of affinity toward it, and spread little positive words about that country. Finally, economic hostility towards a foreign country can also increase nationalistic feelings and increase the preference for domestic products/services as an expression of their "patriotism".
Conclusion: The results of this research are important for economically stronger and weaker countries. It seems that these findings leave no room for doubting that the political and economic actions of a foreign country can affect the feelings of enmity or nationalism of consumers and their images of each other, and in this way affect the purchasing choice of consumers. As a result, companies in countries that are angered by consumers will definitely face many challenges when exporting their products to those countries. In this situation, at least four options can be considered to reduce the potential negative effects of economic hostility on the level of trade in foreign countries where there is consumer hostility. First, during a crisis period, companies can temporarily remove the "made in" label from their advertising campaigns and focus on brand personality effects that are not clearly related to the image of the country of origin or, conversely, bring to mind the image of the same foreign country. Second, companies can use public relations and other communication measures to reduce the perception of "collaboration" with hostile policies and actions and evaluate the opportunity to separate themselves from the policies and actions of their government. Third, cause-related marketing can be used to support non-profit organizations, local communities, and awareness campaigns in affected countries. Fourth, firms can consider investing in foreign countries to develop joint brand strategies with national firms or establish alliances with them to produce hybrid products emphasizing the skills and competencies of local suppliers. Therefore, in order to participate and gain a reasonable share in international trade, policymakers must have a clearer understanding of the possible negative consequences of political and economic actions that are considered offensive or unfair.

Abstract During the reign of Burji Mamluk in Egypt, confiscation of property by order of the sovereign, which had precedents in the Islamic world and Egypt before, entered a serious field in the political economy of Egypt, in a way that was a common phenomenon in the politics and economy of the Mamluk era. The property confiscation had different political and economic motives in this period; the present research has tried to study and explain the accounts related to confiscation in this era with a library and a descriptive-analytical method, with an emphasis on sources from the Mamluk era in order to answer the main question: What were the reasons and political and economic grounds for the confiscation of property in Egypt during the Burji Mamluk period?. This study examines an important part of the numerous and diverse reports related to confiscation in the Burji Mamluk era in order to explain the relationship of this economic phenomenon with the political atmosphere in the Mamluk era from the perspective of the complex relationships between the sultans, emirs, and Mamluk agents in a governance with a competitive rather than hereditary structure, and even to determine the impact of the macro-process of the world economy of that era, especially the European maritime trade between the East and the West via the Red Sea-Mediterranean and the coasts of Egypt, at a point in history when Egypt's economic power had declined due to various external and internal factors.

Abstract Extended abstract
Despite the outbreak of the Second World War (1318-1324/1939-1945) between the United States (Germany, Italy and Japan) and the Allied States (Russia, England, Japan and America), the flames of war and the economic consequences and crises following the war, It also affected some other countries. The entry of Allied troops (especially Russia and England) into Iran in Shahrivar 1941/1320 and the removal of Reza Shah from the throne show that Iran has been affected by the effects of World War politically as well as socially and economically. Russia, in addition to occupying the northern provinces of the country and monitoring the government offices of these areas, monitored the entry and exit of goods and food items and even the movement of people in these areas. The British also had influence and colorful presence in many parts of Iran, especially in the south. The presence of foreigners in Iran and the problems of the Iranian governments in providing the items needed by the people, caused 12 cabinets to come to work within 4 years. This instability of governance and frequent changes were affected by inefficiency in crisis management. Among these crises, the crisis of lack of basic items (such as wheat, sugar, tea, fuel and oil) stood out more. According to the researches that have been done before in the field of lack of basic items such as wheat, sugar, and sugar, the focus of this article is on tea as one of the most consumed basic goods of the people. The spread of tea consumption in the Islamic world has been taking place over many years with ups and downs. In tracking the spread of tea consumption and the hierarchy of distribution of its consumption from the courtiers to the middle classes, various issues such as historical, social, jurisprudential and cultural changes and developments of Islamic societies should be taken into consideration. The popularization of tea consumption in Iranian society, like other Islamic countries, has come a long way from the 10th to the 13th century AH/16-19 AD. The peak of the popularity of tea, at the cost of the abandonment of a more traditional drink, namely coffee, mainly took place at the end of the Qajar era (Metin, "The History of Tea in Iran", 2018, pp. 1 and 2).
Despite the innovativeness of the subject of this article and the lack of relevant and independent research background in the field of the tea crisis at the mentioned time, there are cases that mainly use a descriptive approach to express the importance of tea consumption and status among Iranians. Including the article "Tea" written by Peyman Metin, which was published in 2018 in the Big Islamic Encyclopaedia, it has provided valuable information in the field of etymology, the history of tea consumption and cultivation, and the status of its consumption among Iranians. Also, in the article "Tea Preparation Tools" published in the previous work, Nasim Moqrab introduces tea preparation tools at the beginning of tea consumption. The article "Analysis of the evolution of Iranian taste from coffee to tea in the Qajar era" by Sohaila Torabi Farsani and colleagues, has discussed the importance of tea consumption in Iran during the Qajar era and the factors influencing the change of Iranian taste from coffee to tea. The article "Looking at the history of tea and the role of Kashif al-Sultaneh in the revival of this industry in Iran", written by Emaduddin Fayazi and colleagues, has examined the process of planting tea and its arrival in Iran. Contrary to such researches, which have described the place and importance of tea consumption among Iranians, the present research is dedicated to why and how the tea crisis occurred in Iran compared to World War II and the strategies of Iranian governments to control this crisis.
 
In expressing the importance of this research, aside from the close connection between the lack of basic items and the economic crisis and the need to benefit from historical experiences in economic studies, the place of tea in the Iranian society of those days and the effect of the tea crisis on the lives of Iranians at that time should be considered. . The consumption of tea in Iranian society compared to the Second World War was so high that tea along with sugar was the country's highest import figure. Due to this, Reza Shah was able to finance the construction of the north-south railway from the tax on sugar and tea. At this point, despite the prevalence of tea cultivation and the activity of several domestic tea processing factories, a significant amount of tea was imported due to the impossibility of meeting the country's needs internally or the poor quality of domestic tea.
 
This research, relying on the contents of documents and newspapers and with a descriptive-analytical approach, tries to answer the question of why and how the tea crisis occurred in Iran during the years 1325-1320. The hypothesis of the research is that external and internal factors have been effective in the emergence and escalation of this crisis, respectively. Factors such as the sharp decrease in the amount of tea imports, the intervention of the Middle East procurement center in the import of tea, the control of the allies over Iran's affairs and the taking of transportation facilities were involved in creating the tea crisis; Also, factors such as hoarding, corruption of government officials, failure to properly implement the government's decisions and measures to resolve the crisis, and monopolization of this commodity were effective in the escalation or consistency of the tea crisis in Iran.
 

Abstract Introduction:
The increase in oil prices in global markets in the early 1970s prompted the Pahlavi government, which aspired to reach European standards, to reconsider its plans. Consequently, the fifth development plan, approved by the Senate and the National Assembly in the second half of 1972, was revised. The government claimed that considering the absorptive capacity of the Iranian economy, potential inflation, possible conflicts between rapid growth of resources and production factors, and existing income distribution inequalities, the total investment volume of the government and the private sector was set at approximately 4,699 billion rials (equivalent to about 69.5 billion dollars). However, things did not go according to plan, and when global oil prices fell in 1975, the economic boom came to an end. Thus, the oil revenues injected into the economy over the previous years resulted in nothing but acute inflation. The people faced shortages of essential goods and excessive prices for their purchases. The prices of imported food and the government's failure in agricultural programs further exacerbated the trade balance deficit, leading to increased living costs. Despite the government's attempts to control inflation and rising prices, the economic crisis peaked in 1977. This article seeks to answer the fundamental questions of what caused the shortages and rising prices of food items and what factors contributed to this disorder. What measures were taken to address this crisis and meet the essential needs of the people?Regarding the background of the research, it should be noted that several articles have been written about the economy during the Pahlavi II era, including the article "Application of Edward Shils' New Oligarchic Theory to the Pahlavi II Era (1953-1979)" by Mohammad Radmard (2020), which attempts to align the prominent features of new oligarchic systems from Shils' perspective with the realities of the Pahlavi II era (1953-1979). Ali Voshmeh and colleagues (2017) in their article "Economic Policies of the Pahlavi II Government in Industry with Emphasis on Iran-Germany Relations from 1961 to 1978" sought to answer the question of what quantitative and qualitative transformations the economic policies of the Pahlavi II government, particularly through the use of German industries, brought about in the modernization of Iranian industries. Therefore, regarding the rising prices of essential goods and inflation in the final years of the Pahlavi II regime, a critical period in contemporary Iranian history, no comprehensive and independent study has been conducted so far.
 
 
 
Methodology:
In this article, the historical research method was employed to analyze the economic crisis and its impact on the rising prices of essential goods and inflation during the final years of the Pahlavi II era. This methodology involved a thorough examination of newspaper reports and archival documents from the period, allowing for a comprehensive understanding of the socio-economic conditions that contributed to the crisis
 
Findings:
 
The findings of the research indicate that the surge in oil prices in global markets, coupled with excessive demands from executive bodies, significantly increased the liquidity in the country. This influx of liquidity led to a heightened demand for goods and services, which in turn resulted in an uncontrolled rise in the importation of essential commodities and food products.As the government and various institutions sought to capitalize on the increased oil revenues, they often prioritized immediate consumption over sustainable economic policies. This approach not only exacerbated the dependency on imported goods but also created a mismatch between supply and demand within the domestic market. The overwhelming influx of imported goods, while initially appearing to meet consumer needs, ultimately contributed to a distorted economic landscape.The consequences of this situation were profound, as the rapid increase in imports led to inflationary pressures that affected the prices of essential goods. As the cost of living rose, the purchasing power of the average citizen diminished, leading to widespread dissatisfaction among the populace. The combination of rising prices and stagnant wages created a climate of economic instability, which fueled public unrest and discontent
 
Discussion and conclusion:
The developments in the international oil market between 1972 and 1974, which led to a significant increase in oil prices, prompted the Pahlavi II government to revise the Fifth Development Plan of the country. The total volume of investment from both the government and the private sector was estimated at approximately 4,699 billion rials (equivalent to about 69.5 billion dollars). This ambitious investment plan exceeded the capacity of the Iranian economy and resulted in a substantial decline in growth rates, with the growth rate in the Fifth Plan dropping to half of that in the Fourth Plan. Concurrently, inflation skyrocketed from 2.6% to 24.9%, and the cost of living index for the urban middle and lower classes doubled.The situation became even more critical with the decline in global oil demand in 1975, marking the end of Iran's economic boom. The oil revenues from previous years had already contributed to rising inflation, exacerbating the economic challenges faced by the country. The influx of foreign nationals into Iran further inflated housing prices and rents, as demand surged in urban areas. This led to a significant increase in the migration of rural populations to cities, as individuals sought better opportunities amidst the economic changes.Speculators and brokers in the housing market capitalized on the situation, driving rental prices even higher. Additionally, the prices of imported foodstuffs rose sharply, and the failure of agricultural programs contributed to a growing trade deficit. The combination of these factors created a precarious economic environment, where the rising cost of living and inadequate domestic production capabilities left many citizens struggling to meet their basic needs.

Abstract The experience of Iranians in different social, political and economic levels in the contemporary era is linked with the concept of development. This concept, which became popular in the 20th century, has had a great impact on the structure and processes and approaches of thought in this century. In Iran, with the establishment of the Pahlavi government, the concept of development based on different theoretical models was used in the process of Iran's transition from a traditional society to an industrial society. But despite the implementation of 5 development programs in Iran before the revolution, the society suffered crises, ruptures and huge gaps, which resulted in the revolution of 1357. In the present research we are willing to know how the development programs implemented in Pahlavi era in Iran were constructed and what its function were in the development process of Iran. Formulation of development plans in this research is implemented with historical sociology approach. In this sense, attention will be paid to both the historical background of the events and the structures and processes formed based on the theoretical model of development. In addition, we will discuss the two-way interaction between actor and structure in this formulation. Based on the study, it can be pointed out that the pre-revolutionary development programs could not achieve a coherent construction due to the contradictions at the theoretical and activist level, and in the historical context, it was not possible to construct the development discourse and stabilize its meaning and concept.